Daniel Cardoso
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa, Relações Internacionais, Faculty Member
- Public Policy, Governance, Foreign Policy Analysis, Network governance, Political Science, Brazil, and 15 morePolicy Networks, China, BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), Subnational Politics, Macau, China Brazil, China-Brazil Relations, Brazilian Foreign policy, International Relations, Discourse Analysis, Narrative, Neoliberalism, Space, Free trade agreements, and Global Politicsedit
- I am an Assistant Professor at Autonomous Univerity of Lisbon. I hold a PhD from Free University of Berlin and Fudan ... moreI am an Assistant Professor at Autonomous Univerity of Lisbon. I hold a PhD from Free University of Berlin and Fudan University, Shanghai. Drawing on the concept of network governance, I analyzed how domestic factors influenced Brazil's response to the 'rise' of China.
My expertise and research interests fall within International Relations and its sub-discipline, Foreign Policy Analysis. In theoretical terms, my research seeks to understand how public policies, in general, and foreign policy, in particular, evolve in the age of network governance and also how framing processes influence public policy choices.edit
Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this article examines how the main dimensions of labour market legislation (employment protection, security in unemployment, collective bargaining and activation policies) changed in Portugal... more
Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this article examines how the main dimensions of labour market legislation (employment protection, security in unemployment, collective bargaining and activation policies) changed in Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2011 to 2014. We show that the reforms passed during the Troika years were qualitatively different to earlier reforms. Despite building upon previous trends, there were path-shifting changes. First, security in employment and in unemployment for standard workers (insiders) declined substantially. Second, a significant decentralisation of wage bargaining shifted the balance of power towards employers, while a move from joint to statutory regulation stalled social cooperation. Third, neither of these trends was offset by any relevant unemployment compensation strategy or activation effort targeted at outsiders: no recalibration occurred in a historically dualised labour market. The balance of power between employees and employers shifted towards the latter at the expense of the former. A worse situation for insiders and outsiders points to wide market flexibilisation and enduring segmentation at a lower level of security. The austerity-driven reforms brought the Portuguese labour market to a liberalized dualisation, signalling a new departure for Portuguese labour market relations.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this paper studies labour market reforms in Portugal from 2000 to 2013. The paper examines how the main dimensions of labour market legislation (employment protection, security in... more
Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this paper studies labour market reforms in Portugal from 2000 to 2013. The paper examines how the main dimensions of labour market legislation (employment protection, security in unemployment, collective bargaining and activation policies) evolved in the period and specifically assesses the impact of reforms implemented during the sovereign debt crisis. We aim to show if, and how, such regulatory changes operated a remaking of the socioeconomic power balance in industrial relations. The paper shows that the changes introduced during the troika years were qualitatively different relative to past reforms. Even if these reforms built on previous trends, we highlight three path-shifting changes. First, there was a sizeable reduction of security in employment and in unemployment for workers with permanent contracts (insiders). Second, at the same time, a significant decentralization of wage bargaining shifted the balance of power towards employers, while a move from joint to statutory regulation, stalled social con-certation. Third, both these trends were not offset by any significant unemployment compensation strategy or activation effort targeted at outsiders: no recalibration occurred in a dualised labour market. Overall, this shift in the power balance between insiders, outsider and employers configures a new departure for Portuguese labour market relations. A worsened situation for insiders and outsiders indicates that there was both a flexibilization across the board and that segmentation endured, but now at a lower level of security. In conclusion, the austerity-driven reforms brought the Portuguese labour market to a liberalised dualisation.
Research Interests:
Driven by China's increasing global influence, China-Brazil relations have deepened significantly in the 21st century; for Brazil, this bilateral relationship has become one of the most important aspects of its foreign relations. This... more
Driven by China's increasing global influence, China-Brazil relations have deepened significantly in the 21st century; for Brazil, this bilateral relationship has become one of the most important aspects of its foreign relations. This article aims at analysing how Brazil's foreign policy towards China was made and implemented during the eight years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's presidency, and the first four years of Dilma Rousseff's presidency. While scholars agree that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not exclusively dominate this policy, little is known about which state and non-state actors were involved, how and why they interacted, and how their interactions influenced policy choices. The article starts by identifying the actors that played a significant role in formulating Brazil's China policy. Next, drawing on the concept of network governance, it explores the processes and mechanisms that governed the interactions among them. It concludes with an assessment of the democratic quality of this policy area.
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The first decade of the twenty-first century witnessed a sharp intensification of the relations between China and Brazil. The two countries deepened their commercial links and, as a result, Brazil became China’s largest trading partner in... more
The first decade of the twenty-first century witnessed a sharp intensification of the relations between China and Brazil. The two countries deepened their commercial links and, as a result, Brazil became China’s largest trading partner in Latin America. They have also further improved the quality of their political cooperation
by setting up, for the first time, high-level bilateral institutions. Both countries have also been working together within multilateral institutions and mechanisms. The economic causes and impacts of this phenomenon have been widely discussed, but little however has been said about its specific political and strategic dimensions. In order to fill this gap, this article suggests an analysis that looks at the historical context of the relationship between China and Brazil, and sets up an enquiry into the most relevant domestic actors and at the strategic meanings behind their partnership.
The goal here is twofold. Firstly, to analyse the role of domestic actors in the intensification of this partnership. Secondly, to discuss to what extent this intensification may be seen as evidence of any strategic interest of China and Brazil to put in place a more proactive, wilful and global foreign policy intended to shape globalisation and the world order.
by setting up, for the first time, high-level bilateral institutions. Both countries have also been working together within multilateral institutions and mechanisms. The economic causes and impacts of this phenomenon have been widely discussed, but little however has been said about its specific political and strategic dimensions. In order to fill this gap, this article suggests an analysis that looks at the historical context of the relationship between China and Brazil, and sets up an enquiry into the most relevant domestic actors and at the strategic meanings behind their partnership.
The goal here is twofold. Firstly, to analyse the role of domestic actors in the intensification of this partnership. Secondly, to discuss to what extent this intensification may be seen as evidence of any strategic interest of China and Brazil to put in place a more proactive, wilful and global foreign policy intended to shape globalisation and the world order.
Research Interests:
Sino-Brazilian political and economic relations have evolved both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Partners in the international system, for instance within the BRICS and G20, as they share common views challenging the current... more
Sino-Brazilian political and economic relations have evolved both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Partners in the international system, for instance within the BRICS and G20, as they share common views challenging the current world order, China and Brazil face some constraints in their bilateral relations. China’s demand for market economy status has been a point of discord and Brazilian companies suffer from Chinese competition, not only in the domestic market but also in Latin America and in the Portuguese-speaking Africa. In this context, the role of Macau as a platform to facilitate the Chinese presence in the Lusophone world damages Brazilian interests in areas of strategic interest. The Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and the Portuguese-speaking Africa, with a Permanent Secretariat based in Macau, is perceived as a Chinese instrument to gain space in those areas and has not been welcomed with enthusiasm by Brazil. The strategic partnership, which was established in 1993 and was considered “comprehensive” since 2012, has been mainly developed through the bilateral channel, benefiting from the institutional framework provided by COSBAN.
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The international activism of sub-state governments has been growing across the world in the last two decades. Once limited to some federal states in Europe, it became a widespread practice in the 1990’s. The literature suggests... more
The international activism of sub-state governments has been growing across the world in the last two decades. Once limited to some federal states in Europe, it became a widespread practice in the 1990’s. The literature suggests globalization, market liberalization and democratization as general causes for this phenomenon. Following the trend, the Special Administrative Region of Macau (MSAR) has, since its creation in 1999, engaged in international relations. However, a closer look at this engagement shows that it has been rather superficial and inconsistent. This is puzzling for three reasons. First, when compared to other non-central governments, Macau enjoys a very flexible framework to explore external activities. Indeed, Macau’s Basic Law assigns the region a high degree of autonomy to “conduct relevant external affairs on its own”. Second, its economy is broadly open allowing the circulation of capital and goods. Third, stronger external relations have been suggested as a way to meet one of Macau’s most pressing goals: economic diversification.
Drawing on studies about sub-state diplomacy, the paper addresses this puzzle and discusses how the low intensity of Macau’s international engagement is affected by three interrelated domestic factors: the territory’s political economy and regime and the hybrid allocation of authority between the government of Macau and the central government of China concerning the external affairs of the former.
Drawing on studies about sub-state diplomacy, the paper addresses this puzzle and discusses how the low intensity of Macau’s international engagement is affected by three interrelated domestic factors: the territory’s political economy and regime and the hybrid allocation of authority between the government of Macau and the central government of China concerning the external affairs of the former.
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The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over 50% of global trade in the near future,... more
The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over 50% of global trade in the near future, but also that it will: revitalize the transatlantic partnership, foster trade, create jobs, increase efficiency due to intensified bi-regional competition, besides start forming a counterweight to the Asian and Pacific rise. Accordingly, our paper aims to shed new light on the TTIP debate by addressing its critical aspects and, in particular, by analyzing the negative effects of its underlying spatial reconfigurations. The application of the Deleuzian concepts of deterritorialization and reterritorialization leads to a series of theoretical considerations that explain how TTIP: 1) creates space through the contractual integration of two regions and/or volitional balancing of others, 2) expands space through legal homogenization and common regulatory standards and 3) limits space through the exchange of surveillance data and heightened institutional control over the internet.
Research Interests: Finance, International Economics, International Relations, Globalization, International Studies, and 10 moreInternational Trade, International Political Economy, Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, Neoliberalism, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, BRICS, Deleuze and Guattari, Global Economic Governance, and TTIP
In the last few years China and Brazil have drastically strengthened their strategic partnership. Besides the exponential growth in trade and investments, both countries have also reinforced their political ties. They are working together... more
In the last few years China and Brazil have drastically strengthened their strategic partnership. Besides the exponential growth in trade and investments, both countries have also reinforced their political ties. They are working together in several international forums and organisations like WTO, G-20 and BRICS.
Against this background, the aim of the paper is twofold. First, it analyses the reasons that underlie the intensification of the cooperation between China and Brazil. It argues that the intensification of the cooperation between them does not result from a fixed interest to increase relative power, but is instead the product of the interplay between national governments and domestic actors aimed at enhancing their particular interests in times of globalisation. Second, it evaluates how this partnership assigns new meanings to South-South cooperation
Against this background, the aim of the paper is twofold. First, it analyses the reasons that underlie the intensification of the cooperation between China and Brazil. It argues that the intensification of the cooperation between them does not result from a fixed interest to increase relative power, but is instead the product of the interplay between national governments and domestic actors aimed at enhancing their particular interests in times of globalisation. Second, it evaluates how this partnership assigns new meanings to South-South cooperation
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Since the handover in 1999, Macau has arguably been erased from thePortuguese political agenda, but it has assumed an unexpected role in Chinese foreign policy, as a bridge between the People’s Republic of China and two big political... more
Since the handover in 1999, Macau has arguably been erased from thePortuguese political agenda, but it has assumed an unexpected role in Chinese foreign policy, as a bridge between the People’s Republic of China and two big political blocs: the Portuguese-speaking countries and the European Union. This working paper aims at analysing the reasons underlying this fact. To do so, the analysis will focus on Macau’s external rol e and on its evolution within the framework of the “one country, two systems” formula since 1999. The paper will discuss if Macau enjoys some autonomy in its external relations or if it is only one of the parts of China’s broader international strategy whose main goal is to achieve economic development.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: International Relations, Political Economy, International Relations Theory, Globalization, International Law, and 42 moreGeopolitics, International Trade, Consumers Rights, Transatlantic History, Political Science, Transatlantic relations, Politics, International Political Economy, Standards, International Politics, European Union, European Union Politics, Regional Integration, The Internet, Free Trade, Civil Society, Economy, Transatlantic studies, European Commission, USA - EU Relations, World Politics, Free trade agreements, United States, FTAs, Regulations, Global Politics, FTA, Investor-State Dispute Settlement, Market Economics, TTIP, TAFTA, Transatlantic Economy, Transatlantic Market, Transatlantic Free Trade Area, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, Atlantic Community, Regulatory Standards, Legal Homogenization, Free Trade Agreement, Transatlantic Free Trade Agreement, Internet, and European Union and International Negotiations
Increasing integration between states is crucial for peace and development. However, when free trade agreements like the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are used to advance at all costs the privileges of dominant... more
Increasing integration between states is crucial for peace and development. However, when free trade agreements like the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are used to advance at all costs the privileges of dominant world forces, sovereignty remains a necessary tool to manage globalization, protect the public interest and guarantee citizens’ rightful participation in public policymaking.
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The reasons for European Union and European governments’ ineffective management of the refugee crisis have little to do with the extent of the challenge and more with being compromised by institutional and identity crises, the severity of... more
The reasons for European Union and European governments’ ineffective management of the refugee crisis have little to do with the extent of the challenge and more with being compromised by institutional and identity crises, the severity of which requires immediate actions alongside a responsible dialogue.
Research Interests:
The “tsunami of mud” released due to the breach in two dams at an iron ore mine in Mariana, Brazil was not an accident, but the tragic consequence of years of aggressive extractivism, “China Fever”, and flawed public policies.
Research Interests:
The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA) or Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over... more
The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA) or Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over 50% of global trade in the near future, but also that it will: revitalize the transatlantic partnership, foster trade, create jobs, increase effciency due to intensifed bi-regional competition, besides start forming a counterweight to the Asian and Pacifc rise.
Accordingly, our paper aims to shed new light on the TAFTA | TTIP debate by addressing its critical aspects and, in particular, by analyzing the negative effects of its underlying spatial reconfigurations. The application of the Deleuzian concepts of deterritorialization and reterritorialization leads to a series of theoretical considerations that explain how TAFTA | TTIP: 1) creates space through the contractual integration of two regions and/or volitional balancing of others, 2) limits space through the exchange of surveillance data and heightened institutional control over the internet, and 3) expands space through legal homogenization and common regulatory standards.
Accordingly, our paper aims to shed new light on the TAFTA | TTIP debate by addressing its critical aspects and, in particular, by analyzing the negative effects of its underlying spatial reconfigurations. The application of the Deleuzian concepts of deterritorialization and reterritorialization leads to a series of theoretical considerations that explain how TAFTA | TTIP: 1) creates space through the contractual integration of two regions and/or volitional balancing of others, 2) limits space through the exchange of surveillance data and heightened institutional control over the internet, and 3) expands space through legal homogenization and common regulatory standards.
Research Interests: Economics, International Relations, International Relations Theory, Geopolitics, Reterritorialization, and 43 morePolitical Science, Transatlantic relations, International Political Economy, Internet Law, Surveillance Studies, Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, European Union, Market Research, International Economic Relations, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Surveillance, European Union Politics, Regional Integration, Space, The Internet, Free Trade, Economy, Market, Transatlantic studies, USA - EU Relations, World Politics, Data Protection, Internet Economy, Free trade agreements, FTAs, Global Politics, Deterritorialization, FTA, EU law and politics on data protection and privacy, TTIP, TAFTA, Transatlantic Economy, Transatlantic Market, Transatlantic Free Trade Area, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, Spatial Reconfiguration, Atlantic Community, Regulatory Standards, Legal Homogenization, Free Trade Agreement, Transatlantic Free Trade Agreement, and European Union and International Negotiations
"In the past few years, China and Brazil have significantly strengthened their economic and political relations. Until the 2000s the relationship between the two countries was limited and, in several dimensions, even negligible. However,... more
"In the past few years, China and Brazil have significantly strengthened their economic and political relations. Until the 2000s the relationship between the two countries was limited and, in several dimensions, even negligible. However, in less than a decade, China became Brazil’s largest trading partner and main investor and the two countries intensified coordination in multilateral and bilateral organizations.
The impact of China on Brazil’s economy in the last decade was interpreted and conveyed in different ways by Brazilian domestic actors. Among them, Vale, the country’s largest mining company, and FIESP, an influential industry association, stood out as the most active ones in the debate about the “China effect”. The paper analyzes how these actors employed the “China effect” narrative and the meanings they assigned to it. The paper argues that Vale and FIESP used this narrative not only to influence the country’s economic policy towards China, but also to legitimize their agendas, to gain political leverage and to secure the government’s support in terms of regulation and public investment. The “China effect” narrative was important for Vale to justify the expansion of its domestic operations and for FIESP to push for lower taxes and interest rates for the manufacturing sector."
The impact of China on Brazil’s economy in the last decade was interpreted and conveyed in different ways by Brazilian domestic actors. Among them, Vale, the country’s largest mining company, and FIESP, an influential industry association, stood out as the most active ones in the debate about the “China effect”. The paper analyzes how these actors employed the “China effect” narrative and the meanings they assigned to it. The paper argues that Vale and FIESP used this narrative not only to influence the country’s economic policy towards China, but also to legitimize their agendas, to gain political leverage and to secure the government’s support in terms of regulation and public investment. The “China effect” narrative was important for Vale to justify the expansion of its domestic operations and for FIESP to push for lower taxes and interest rates for the manufacturing sector."
Research Interests:
The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA) or Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over... more
The EU and USA proposed Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA) or Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a free trade agreement (FTA) whose necessity is argued on the basis that it not only has the potential to cover over 50% of global trade in the near future, but also that it will: revitalize the transatlantic partnership, foster trade, create jobs, increase effciency due to intensifed bi-regional competition, besides start forming a counterweight to the Asian and Pacifc rise.
Accordingly, our paper aims to shed new light on the TAFTA | TTIP debate by addressing its critical aspects and, in particular, by analyzing the negative effects of its underlying spatial reconfigurations. The application of the Deleuzian concepts of deterritorialization and reterritorialization leads to a series of theoretical considerations that explain how TAFTA | TTIP: 1) creates space through the contractual integration of two regions and/or volitional balancing of others, 2) limits space through the exchange of surveillance data and heightened institutional control over the internet, and 3) expands space through legal homogenization and common regulatory standards.
Accordingly, our paper aims to shed new light on the TAFTA | TTIP debate by addressing its critical aspects and, in particular, by analyzing the negative effects of its underlying spatial reconfigurations. The application of the Deleuzian concepts of deterritorialization and reterritorialization leads to a series of theoretical considerations that explain how TAFTA | TTIP: 1) creates space through the contractual integration of two regions and/or volitional balancing of others, 2) limits space through the exchange of surveillance data and heightened institutional control over the internet, and 3) expands space through legal homogenization and common regulatory standards.
Research Interests:
"Foreign policy making in Brazil is traditionally characterized as a highly centralized and hierarchical process in which the Ministry of Foreign Relations, also known as Itamaraty, has been the most important actor. In this context, the... more
"Foreign policy making in Brazil is traditionally characterized as a highly centralized and hierarchical process in which the Ministry of Foreign Relations, also known as Itamaraty, has been the most important actor. In this context, the room for external influence, either from other state institutions or from society, has been very little. However, with the re-democratization process and economic liberalization in the 1990’s, Brazil’s foreign policy steadily became more diversified.
The substantial intensification of relations with China since the beginning of the 2000’s deepened this tendency. In just a decade, China became not only Brazil’s largest trading partner, but also its largest investor. The two countries also improved their political cooperation by working closer in bilateral and multilateral institutions. Drawing on the concept of network governance, the paper discusses how Brazil coped with the intensification of the partnership with China. It challenges the view of China policy as an exclusive territory of the Ministry of Foreign Relations and argues that the policy is a result of the active and recurrent cooperation between public and private corporate actors. The paper analyses the processes underlying the relations among these actors and discusses the impact of the network on the foreign policy towards China."
The substantial intensification of relations with China since the beginning of the 2000’s deepened this tendency. In just a decade, China became not only Brazil’s largest trading partner, but also its largest investor. The two countries also improved their political cooperation by working closer in bilateral and multilateral institutions. Drawing on the concept of network governance, the paper discusses how Brazil coped with the intensification of the partnership with China. It challenges the view of China policy as an exclusive territory of the Ministry of Foreign Relations and argues that the policy is a result of the active and recurrent cooperation between public and private corporate actors. The paper analyses the processes underlying the relations among these actors and discusses the impact of the network on the foreign policy towards China."
Research Interests:
Brazil has progressively strengthened its relations with China since 2004. The two countries deepened their commercial links and, as a result, China became, in 2009, Brazil’s biggest trading partner, surpassing the USA that had held this... more
Brazil has progressively strengthened its relations with China since 2004. The two countries deepened their commercial links and, as a result, China became, in 2009, Brazil’s biggest trading partner, surpassing the USA that had held this position for more than eighty years. They have also further improved the quality of their political cooperation by setting up, for the first time, high-level bilateral institutions. Both countries have also been working together within the G-20, the BRICS and the WTO.
The intensification of the relations with China introduced a degree of novelty to Brazil’s foreign policy since for most of its history the country has focused mostly on three sets of partners: the USA, the neighbouring countries and Europe. Drawing on theories of foreign policy change, the paper aims at assessing the sources and the magnitude of Brazil’s alteration of foreign policy. Instead of placing the causes for this shift exclusively in the international and domestic structures, the paper analyses how political leaders, bureaucratic and non-governmental actors, working within these structures, acted upon the foreign policy decision-making process forcing the change. The paper studies these actors’ ideas and interests suggesting an interpretation of Brazil’s foreign policy change based on a structure-agency discussion.
The intensification of the relations with China introduced a degree of novelty to Brazil’s foreign policy since for most of its history the country has focused mostly on three sets of partners: the USA, the neighbouring countries and Europe. Drawing on theories of foreign policy change, the paper aims at assessing the sources and the magnitude of Brazil’s alteration of foreign policy. Instead of placing the causes for this shift exclusively in the international and domestic structures, the paper analyses how political leaders, bureaucratic and non-governmental actors, working within these structures, acted upon the foreign policy decision-making process forcing the change. The paper studies these actors’ ideas and interests suggesting an interpretation of Brazil’s foreign policy change based on a structure-agency discussion.
Research Interests:
Panelists from around the world presented on more than 20 topics related to global politics. The participants included university professors, students, experts and researchers from over 15 countries and five continents. Participating... more
Panelists from around the world presented on more than 20 topics related to global politics. The participants included university professors, students, experts and researchers from over 15 countries and five continents. Participating researchers came from policy institutes, think tanks, and consultancies. Plus non-governmental organizations, socio-political activist groups, and civil society organizations were also represented.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
I was on the show to discuss large-scale sporting events, looking specifically at Brazil’s case, making the point that there are negative implications for the country organizing the event. I argued that instead of looking at Brazil as... more
I was on the show to discuss large-scale sporting events, looking specifically at Brazil’s case, making the point that there are negative implications for the country organizing the event.
I argued that instead of looking at Brazil as a single case, it is necessary to ask: what purposes do large-scale events like the World Cup or the Olympics serve in today’s capitalist system?
The focus solely on the host country (currently Brazil) is misleading since we inevitably end up comparing and contrasting experiences, showing that some are better at organizing the event than others. This is the meritocracy narrative (a neoliberal bastion) applied to major events hosting. It is a dangerous narrative not only because it generates patronizing attitudes (like the ones about Brazil), but also because it distracts us from realizing that the negative implications of these large-scale events are not particular to a country, but shared by the majority of the host countries. Greeks, South Africans, Brazilians, Portuguese, Poles, Ukrainians (just to mention a few) can all complain about the large stadiums of little use after the event, massive public spending and rising housing prices.
I argued that instead of looking at Brazil as a single case, it is necessary to ask: what purposes do large-scale events like the World Cup or the Olympics serve in today’s capitalist system?
The focus solely on the host country (currently Brazil) is misleading since we inevitably end up comparing and contrasting experiences, showing that some are better at organizing the event than others. This is the meritocracy narrative (a neoliberal bastion) applied to major events hosting. It is a dangerous narrative not only because it generates patronizing attitudes (like the ones about Brazil), but also because it distracts us from realizing that the negative implications of these large-scale events are not particular to a country, but shared by the majority of the host countries. Greeks, South Africans, Brazilians, Portuguese, Poles, Ukrainians (just to mention a few) can all complain about the large stadiums of little use after the event, massive public spending and rising housing prices.
Research Interests:
A short videoclip on China Day - an event held within the Cultural Week of the University of Coimbra. The event was attended by the Chinese Ambassador to Portugal, the Rector of the University of Coimbra and the Mayor of Coimbra. The goal... more
A short videoclip on China Day - an event held within the Cultural Week of the University of Coimbra. The event was attended by the Chinese Ambassador to Portugal, the Rector of the University of Coimbra and the Mayor of Coimbra. The goal was to discuss the role of Macau and of the University of Coimbra in the relations between China and the Portuguese Speaking Countries.
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We talked with Sebastian Meyer for the newsletter of the Graduate School of Global Politics, Freie Universität Berlin about the organization of an international conference on global politics held in April which brought to Berlin... more
We talked with Sebastian Meyer for the newsletter of the Graduate School of Global Politics, Freie Universität Berlin about the organization of an international conference on global politics held in April which brought to Berlin participants from more than 15 countries.